Ex-army chief on US trade deal: 'India could use its defence commitments to secure tariff concessions'

Former Army Chief General MM Naravane has warned that while India-US defence cooperation has grown deeper and more structured over the last decade, recent developments-particularly President Donald Trump's 25% tariffs on Indian exports-raise serious questions about long-term reliability and strategic alignment.

In an opinion piece published in ThePrint on Monday, Naravane wrote, "India’s defence relationship with the US has been maturing over the last decade — from cautious engagement to structured partnerships, driven by shared strategic interest." He noted that the defence relationship has evolved far beyond its transactional origins and now plays a "pivotal role in the global geopolitical calculus."

However, Naravane cautioned that this evolving alliance is under stress. "The July 30 announcement of 25 per cent US tariffs on Indian exports, couched vaguely in terms of India’s ongoing defence and energy cooperation with Russia, reveals a recurring dilemma: how stable and reliable is US strategic posture and unconditional support when tested by domestic political imperatives or ideological shifts like MAGA?"

He argued that such economic coercion raises fundamental questions about strategic trust. "The tariffs, affecting nearly three-quarters of India’s exports, suggest that economic retaliation may be used as a convenient foreign policy tool for strategic coercion."

At the heart of India–US defence collaboration lies a network of agreements like COMCASA, BECA, and the Industrial Security Annex, along with co-development initiatives, joint procurement, and intelligence-sharing mechanisms. These have enabled real-time coordination and access to advanced technology, including MQ-9B drones, MH-60R helicopters, and the proposed GE-414 engine co-production for Indian fighter jets.

But Naravane flagged a crucial concern: “Can the US-India defence partnership flourish in an environment where India’s broader economic or foreign policy decisions invite punitive countermeasures?”

He described the situation as symptomatic of “the somewhat hypocritical duality of US diplomacy,” wherein strategic convergence is sought even as coercive tools are retained to enforce alignment. “For India, such moves raise critical questions and strike at the heart of its policy of strategic autonomy.”

Naravane noted that defence cooperation is typically more resilient than trade ties, which are often shaped by political cycles and electoral rhetoric. “Defence collaboration is sustained by bureaucratic processes, institutional memory, and mutual threat recognition,” he wrote. He pointed to enduring frameworks like the 2+2 dialogue, Reciprocal Defence Procurement (RDP), and offset clauses as relatively shielded from political volatility.

Nonetheless, India’s broader posture remains one of careful balance. “While defence cooperation with the US has accelerated, India continues to diversify its military suppliers… This hedging reflects India’s understanding that a strategic partnership does not mean strategic dependence.”

He also highlighted how India could use its defence engagements as leverage. “By advertising possible future purchases — from Predator drones and GE-414 engines to naval platforms — India has levers to secure tariff concessions, obtain market access, and reduce regulatory barriers in trade negotiations with the US.”

But Naravane acknowledged that such strategic bargaining has limits. Disputes over tariffs, digital localisation, and genetically modified crops, along with energy ties to Russia and Iran, will remain friction points. “While defence cooperation may enhance trust, it cannot insulate India against broader disagreements in foreign policy or trade philosophy.”

He concluded with a call for accelerated self-reliance. “Indigenous co-development of key platforms, innovation in avionics, and investment in domestic manufacturing are no longer optional, but strategic imperatives. Military modernisation must not remain dependent on external suppliers, however friendly.”

Despite current tensions, Naravane said the US remains a vital partner due to its defence ecosystem and technological edge. “Ultimately, the reliability of the US as a long-term security partner depends not only on consistency, but also on India’s ability to maintain strategic autonomy without compromising the deepening defence relationship and operational interoperability.”